Sociology of Mental Illness: the Study of the Un-institutionalized Mentally Challenged in Abeokuta, Ogun State. Nigeria
summary of the above is that the definition of mental illness is socially constructed depending on, the political, economic and social inclination or conception of reality and the resultant effect of unsuccessful socialization (Berger and Luckmann, 1967: 165-166).
One is tempted to suggest that the definition of mental illness should include input from those who are classified as mentally ill. However, the definition so attained will also have its flaws. If we accept the social learning/societal-reaction perspectives, the definitions arrived at will be influenced by their conception of reality and the stereotyped views of mental illness these people have learned (Scheff, 1974; Yarrow, et al, 1968), and those arising from stigma based on social definitions (Berger and Luckmann, 1967:165-166). This is reflected in that the observation of these people in Nigeria shows that they do not seem to have difficulty understanding or speaking the local languages (Pidgin English or Yoruba). They also behave in the ways people around them expect them to behave. The following illustrations serve to make the point clearer. Ajisoro, a supposedly madman, decided to show his displeasure by hauling missiles at his tormentors, unfortunately, he hit and broke the windshield of a parked car. The mob descended on him and gave him a thorough beating, had he not taken to his heel yelling (in Yoruba) “mo gbe o” (meaning I am in serious trouble), he probably would have been lynched. Another case is about a man who feigned madness to escape the wrought of vigilante groups. The man had arrived very late (1.30 A.M.) from Lagos and knowing fully well that there was no way any sane person would be allowed to walk the streets during that period, decided to strip leaving only his underpants on. He proceeded on his way carrying his clothes neatly folded on his head, continued to talk loudly and incorrigibly as he proceeded. According to him, none of the several vigilante groups that he met showed interest in him. Of interest is that even one of his neighbours, in one of the groups, only stared at him without saying a word. On getting home, the actor, after dressing up, sat on the pavement in front of his house. About thirty minutes later, he received the vigilante neighbour as visitor. The visitor expressed his amazement at the actor’s behaviour but agreed that he would not have been able to assist him had he appeared as a sane person. In short, the visitor only wanted to affirm if his neighbour had really manifested the expected behaviour as socially defined for the insane. Worthy of note is that nobody noticed that his clothes were neatly folded and balanced on his head for it is only a mad or “harmless” person would break the curfew. This further shows that the social structure creates and encourages people to act the way it deems fit for varying social, cultural, political and economic situations while also taking into cognizance the statuses of the actors. Also implied is that people are generally judged against the backdrop of behaviours that are already in existence and that are considered to be normal, abnormal or bizarre. In short, all types of behaviours have antecedents for the sane and those classified as mentally ill or insane and that the social structure carves out our reality world and we cannot simply wish it away (Berger and Luckman, 1967:1-3).
The perceived functionality of the behaviour also influences its categorization. For example, we had the opportunity to witness people speaking in “tongues” in some churches. Some had laid flat on the floor on their chests while slapping the ground with their palms and shouting in the name of Jesus”, some rolled on the floor ‘in the name of Jesus”, in other cases, members walked about babbling and singing praise words to the Lord. In the white garment churches, we observed that some designated members go into trance while also prophesying. These people’s behaviours were neither seen as bizarre nor unacceptable, but as socially acceptable under the prevailing circumstances. The major source of differences, however, is in the interpretations we the normal people give to behaviours as influenced by our perception of their functionality. For example, when Alhaja Sheidat Mujidat Adeoye, a female trader in Osun State in the southwestern Nigeria suddenly had a “spiritual” encounter, the initial interpretation of her behaviour was that of the manifestation of insanity. However, today because she was able to manage the behaviour by prophesying and healing people, a behaviour that is directly related to the perceived functionality of the manifestation, Alhaja Adeoye is now highly respected in her community. She is now a Muslim missioner, spiritual healer, leader and founder of a religious group called “Fallullah Muslim Mission” in Osogbo community in Osun State, Nigeria (Ogungbile, 2004).
Methodology
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